ABSTRACT

Preliminary archaeological evidence from the Banda Islands of eastern Indonesia suggests that there were significant divisions within Bandanese society prior to and during the period of European contact (15th – 17th centuries AD). Two distinct settlement types are identified, which may correspond to economic and religious factions within Banda’s past social system. This evidence, which is now being analyzed, is used to re-evaluate historical documents from the period, and to propose future directions in the re-writing of the history of the colonial conquest of these historically important islands.

INTRODUCTION

The Banda Islands, while insignificant in contemporary geopolitics, played an outsized role in the early period of European expansion and the spice trade. As the world’s sole source of nutmeg and mace, these eleven small islands, located in the Maluku province of what is now eastern Indonesia, were the keys to vast wealth for those who could control their production. The first Europeans to set foot on the islands were members of the Portuguese D’Abreau expedition, which was sent out from Malacca by Albuquerque in 1512 (Villiers 1981, 1990). A century later, the islands were the site of strategic maneuvering and fierce battles, as ascending Dutch and English trade companies sought to gain monopolistic control over the production and trade of the spices from the mostly uncooperative Bandanese (Hanna 1978; Abdurachman 1978; Loth 1995a, 1995b). In 1621, Dutch East India Company (VOC) soldiers and hired Japanese mercenaries, under the command of Governor General Jan Peiterszoon Coen, seized the islands, killing, enslaving or forcing to flee as much as 90% of the original population (Masselman 1963; Hanna 1978). The islands were then radically altered, both culturally and environmentally, by Dutch colonists, who converted them into Dutch-managed spice plantations worked by Asian slaves imported from other regions (Loth 1998). Some Bandanese refugees set up new communities on other nearby islands and many continue to identify themselves as Bandanese to this day.

While the history of this important chapter in the beginnings of colonialism is relatively well known from European historical documents, the story from the point of view of the Bandanese remains hidden, and their pre-colonial history is almost unknown. We do know that Europeans arrived in Island Southeast Asia at the end of three centuries of religious, political and economic change, as Islam was being adopted by the people of the islands along the routes of Muslim traders from the Middle East and South Asia (Ricklefs 1979, 1993). There is archaeological and documentary evidence of trade and exchange between Island Southeast Asians and "foreigners" from mainland Asia to the west for at least a millennium preceding the arrival of the first Europeans in the region (Tibbetts 1979; Reid 1988; Ray 1989; Chaudhuri 1990; Manguin 1994). Less understood is archaeological evidence of extensive trade networks that extended east into Melanesia for more than three thousand years (Bellwood and Koon 1989; Swadling 1996).

My approach is to use archaeological research to better understand late pre-colonial political development in Banda, and to use this understanding to re-evaluate the period of Euro-Banda conflict and conquest in the 17th century. This paper describes preliminary results from this research. I completed fieldwork in Banda in August 1998, and am currently analyzing this data. This paper is being written before the completion of the analyses thus many of my conclusions are tentative. My forthcoming Ph.D. dissertation will present final results of the analyses.

I have divided Banda’s past into three periods for the purpose of this analysis: Pre European contact (before 1512 AD, although Europeans such as di Varthema may have contacted the islands earlier (Jones 1863), European contact period (1512 – 1621) and the colonial period (1621 – 1945, although some vestige of the contact period Bandanese society survived into the 1640’s at least, and many cultural elements "survive" to this day in Banda (Loth 1998)). Changes resulting from first European contact were not nearly as extreme as the shift from the pre-colonial to the colonial period in Banda; the massacre of 1621 was and still is a significant turning point in Banda’s past. While this periodization relies too much on the actions of Europeans, my aim is to transcend it by investigating the role of other players in Banda’s past, not the least the Bandanese themselves.

ISLAMIZATION IN ISLAND SOUTHEAST ASIA

The reasons for rapid spread of Islam through the Indonesian archipelago beginning in the 13th century have long been a central question for Southeast Asian historians. Islamization appears to have accompanied an increase in maritime trade between Island Southeast Asia and the Muslim world to its west. This increased trade was sparked by the emerging demand for spices in late medieval Europe and a decline in Chinese merchant activity due to internal politics and political instability along the Silk Road. These new market opportunities were met by maritime traders from the Middle East and South Asia (Chaudhuri 1990; Glover 1990; Miksic et al. 1994).

There is considerable debate among historians about the mechanisms behind Islamization, however. As the process has been ongoing for nearly 800 years, these mechanisms are undoubtedly complex and ever changing. The apparent fact that the first regions in Island Southeast Asia to convert were coastal merchant communities has been used as evidence that Islam was an especially attractive and suitable belief system for increasing numbers of Southeast Asian merchants. While spirit worship or animism relied on a home landscape for referents, the symbols of Islam were universally valid, and adaptable for traveling traders (Reid 1993a: 151). But what motivated individuals to convert to Islam? Some theorists believe that sufi mystics like ulama, who performed marriages and funerals in villages played a key role, especially in the 16th and 17th centuries (Johns 1975). Others emphasize the religious-political role of the sultan and raja, especially during the early period of rapid Islamization in the 14th and 15th centuries (Johns 1995). Sultanates were first established in the Middle East in the 11th century, and soon spread eastward, with Aceh in western Sumatra establishing its first sultanate in the 14th century. In this model, powerful people (particularly reformist-minded people who control trade in some way) use a new cosmological scheme (introduced by traders) to both legitimize and expand their power. These leaders concurrently solidify their relationship with the foreign traders who share their belief system, which further boosts their control of trade, often expanding it to adjoining regions (Wolters 1967; Reid 1993b; cf. models for earlier Hindu-Buddhist polities in Hall 1985). This politicized "top-down" model for Islamization (as opposed to a grassroots conversion by traveling mystics or traders) would appear to better explain conversion where Muslim traders primarily interact with the leaders who control the production of trade goods. This model integrates well with the "shipshape society" that Manguin (1984) describes as a common element among the (primarily Islamic) maritime trade societies of Island Southeast Asia, and is intriguingly similar to the development of chiefdoms in Polynesia theorized by Kirch (1984).

In 1512, Tome Pires reported that "It is thirty years since they began to be Moors in the Banda Islands" (Cortesão 1943: 206). But Banda was different from other Islamic societies the Portuguese encountered at the eastern edge of the Islamic world, such as those in the clove islands, Ternate and Tidore, to the north of Banda. Those societies had developed into competing sultanates, each island ruled by a single powerful leader who controlled a well-defined territory (Andaya 1993). In the Bandas, however, a different situation prevailed. According to the earliest Portuguese accounts (Dames 1918; Cortesão 1943), and descriptions throughout the European contact period, each village (numbering several hundred inhabitants) was ruled by a council of high status men, called orang kaya. This Malay term (meaning literally "rich person") was used widely throughout the Malay trading world, and probably denoted a leader who acquired status through trade (Ellen 1986). While villages sometimes formed alliances with others, there is no evidence that a single ruler attained supreme status in the archipelago, or even over a single village.

Without a single powerful ruler with whom to negotiate, foreign traders used a variety of methods to gain access to Banda's valuable nutmeg and mace trade. Pre-colonial Javanese traders probably became semi-permanent residents of Banda, often marrying local women and joining a special social class of high status foreigners; the office of syahbandar, or port authority, was usually held by Islamic Javanese men or at least "Javanized" residents (Villiers 1981; Ellen 1986; Reid 1993a). Europeans, who for the most part stayed for shorter periods and separated themselves socially, had to resort to different strategies, which meant making separate trading arrangements with each group of village leaders, and often with individual spice collectors. The de-centralized political structure in Banda probably contributed to the inability of the Portuguese to establish a viable military presence on the islands, and in the end frustrated Dutch traders, who eventually engineered the massacre of 1621 (Hanna 1978; Loth 1995a). In the more politically centralized islands to the north, indigenous leaders were able to successfully negotiate with Europeans, and Islam provided an important ideological tool for resisting European cultural influence and political control. While these islands conceded some trading freedom, they retained most of their political autonomy, and often played competing European powers off of one another to their own advantage, staving off final (although incomplete) capitulation to the Dutch for another century (Andaya 1993).

Why did Banda develop this unusual political structure, and what were its implications during European contact and conquest? My approach is to look for archaeologically detectable (and historical) factors that may have contributed to the formation of a decentralized political system in Banda in the 15th-16th centuries, despite the powerful centralizing influence of Islam. The most important ones, as I see them, are: 1) settlement organization that divided the Bandanese into specialized autonomous villages, 2) a crucial trade network incorporating non-Islamic islands to the east of Banda, and 3) the interaction between religious identity and foodways in the Banda ecosystem.

FACTORS AFFECTING SETTLEMENT IN BANDA: HISTORICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL EVIDENCE

Historical sixteenth and seventeenth century European written documents provide some clues as to settlement location, trade networks and religious identity in Banda, but this evidence is incomplete and sometimes misleading. For example, European maps and descriptions list villages in Banda, but usually just the ones with which Europeans had contact. Villages on the outer Banda islands are usually not differentiated (e.g., Valentijn 1724; Jones 1863; Markham 1877; Dames 1918; Keuning 1942; Cortesão 1944). Because Europeans (initially guided to Banda by Islamic pilots from Malacca) interacted and traded with the Bandanese villages linked to the Islamic world system, they may not have been aware of non-Islamic trading and settlement networks, or considered them unimportant. The documents do, however, provide some interesting clues. The earliest Portuguese descriptions refer to the presence of animist people in the "hills" of the islands (Cortesão 1944). Certain maps (e.g. the Janssonius map of the early 17th century) show many more villages than others. Later documents often describe fierce battles between villages, or alliances of villages, in which religious and economic conflict may have played a role (Purchas 1625). Elsewhere in Maluku, the Islam-non-Islam dualism is central to settlement patterning and cultural systems both historically and today, such as the pela system, which is a system of traditional cooperation alliances between villages, often organized into Islamic-non Islamic village pairs. (Bartels 1977). However, histories of the colonial conquest of Banda, and of the rest of the Maluku region, de-emphasize the importance of non-Islamic settlements and trade networks and their role in the political structure (Hanna 1978; Villiers 1981, 1990; Andaya 1991; Ptak 1992).

Banda’s varied topography and its situation in relation to monsoon wind and water current cycles invite geographical analysis. Some places have much better access to the sea and maritime trade than others, and this access varies with the season. More importantly, certain coastal sites may have been better oriented geographically with particular trade partners, either Islamic ones to the west or non-Islamic to the east. Drinking water may have also been a factor in settlement patterning. The outer islands of Hatta, Ay and Rhun have no ground water and rely on collected rainwater; periodic droughts leave Banda without significant rainfall for several months or more (Loth 1998; Stasiun Meteorologi Bandaneira-Banda 1989 – 98). The contemporary sacred landscape in Banda has many references to water sources; for example during droughts people from Pulau Ay are allowed to get water from a sacred well on Banda Neira. Water access may have formed part of the basis for intervillage alliances in the past.

TRADE WITH NON-ISLAMIC REGIONS

While much historical research downplays the volume of trade with the eastern non-Islamic regions, such as New Guinea (e.g., Reid 1993a: 315), documentary and circumstantial evidence suggests that at least in Banda, this trade was of central importance. Trade items from the non-Islamic islands to the east were crucial to Banda's economy. Early chroniclers describe how forest products, such as shipbuilding wood, aromatic tree barks, birds and feathers, and the staple food sago, were bought from Aru, Kei and New Guinea to the east in trade for cloth, rice, metals, and glazed ceramics from the west (Dames 1918; van Leur 1967; Ellen 1990; Glover 1990). Thus, Banda served not only as a spice producer, but also as an entrepôt, buying and reselling goods between the Islamic trading world and the non-Islamic eastern regions. The existence of a second trade network or system, oriented towards these non-Islamic regions, may have prevented the coalescing of a centralized Islamic political system. This crucial trade would not have relied on an Islamic religious personal network for its operation, nor would its successful traders been necessarily appropriate Islamic political leaders (though perhaps another religious system, such as the pre-Islamic belief system present in Banda prior to the 14th century, linked these eastern regions). Entire villages may have opted out of the Islamic sphere in Banda, choosing instead to specialize in this other profitable trade network.

There is some documentary evidence that each village in Banda specialized in trade with a certain specific region, some with eastern regions such as Seram, Kei, Aru and New Guinea, others with Java and Malacca to the west. My own initial ethnographic research in Bandanese refugee communities in Kei and Seram revealed interesting correspondence between these historical connections and contemporary mythological and/or ceremonial practices, the sacred landscape and social structure. I hope to be able to investigate archaeological patterns relating to this historical and ethnographic data using source analysis on trade goods.

FOOD IN AN ISLAMIZING ECOSYSTEM

Ellen (1979) theorizes that Banda and other spice producing islands became increasingly reliant on the spice trade for survival over time. In his model, as spice growing and trading became more lucrative, other food crops were replaced with nutmeg trees, and the increased supplies of nutmeg attracted still more trade, creating a positive feedback loop which eventually made Banda almost completely dependant on imported food. This was certainly the situation during most of the colonial period, when spice production was maximized (Loth 1998). However, while the pre-colonial Bandanese probably imported significant amounts of foods such as sago and rice by the 16th century (Banda is ill suited for rice and sago cultivation), it is likely that locally produced foods continued to be important for Bandanese subsistence. Many of these foods can be grown in conjunction with nutmeg trees, or gathered from wild resources not impacted by increasingly intensive silviculture. These included domesticated plants such as taro, and wild plant foods such as kenari and other nuts, as well as animal foods such as fish, cuscus, birds, turtles and their eggs, goats and pigs (Latinas 1996, Stark and Latinas 1996).

One factor not discussed in the literature may have significantly influenced pre-colonial agriculture in Banda. In Banda’s small island ecosystem, the Islamic prohibition of pig eating may have had significant effects. Not only did this exclude (in law, if not always in practice) an important food from the diets of Muslim converts, it also removed the pig's sole predator. While there is some debate about the level of compliance of newly converted Island Southeast Asian Muslims with Islamic doctrine, renouncing pork was a public gesture of central importance, along with circumcision and prayer (Reid 1993a: 141).

Feral pigs are a major pest in Banda today, causing serious damage to agricultural crops, particularly in the vicinity of Muslim villages. During the period of initial Islamization, pigs may have been a factor in reducing the viability of local agriculture in Muslim settlements. As increasing numbers of Bandanese observed Islamic mores, they would have been more dependent not only on rice imports from Java, but also on food grown by non-Islamic farming communities within Banda who would have suffered less from pig damaged crops. One of my central research questions has been whether non-Islamic communities persisted during the European contact period (1512-1621), and what role they played in Banda’s political evolution and eventual conquest.

PRELIMINARY ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE

In 1997-98, I conducted surface surveys and excavations on three of the Banda Islands: Banda Neira, Banda Besar and Pulau Ay (see Banda Map). The archaeological work was designed to locate and identify habitation sites in two distinct areas: 1) areas corresponding to villages as described in 16th-early 17th century European maps and descriptions; and 2) areas in natural harbors that were not listed as villages on most European maps and descriptions. Neither complete coverage nor random plot survey was attempted due to the dense foliage coverage, steep relief of the islands, and small crew size, although some experimental shovel testing and coring was completed in interior sections of the islands.

"Sites" in Banda were defined as areas of relatively intense surface scatters of ceramic sherds, and/or areas that had subsurface artifacts. The geomorphology (and recent human history) of the islands made site discovery and definition a challenge. Frequent volcanic activity from the central cone of Gunung Api meant that the islands of Banda Naira and the western part of Banda Besar experienced rapid soil accretion, which has deeply buried remains from the period of interest for this project. For example, one site in Banda Naira produced colonial period artifacts such as Dutch clay pipes at depths of over two meters. On the outer islands of Pulau Ay, which lies several kilometers from the volcano, soil deposition was much less, but intensive farming over much of the island destroyed stratigraphy and spread buried remains over large areas. Historical events contributed to the confusing situation on the ground. During World War II, Dutch plantation owners abandoned their homes to escape capture by Japanese soldiers. During the Japanese occupation, plantation workers often entered these houses and used household items, such as pottery vessels and plates, which were often heirloom pieces of older Chinese ceramics. Toward the end of the war, allied bombing of the Bandas forced many residents to move out of villages, which were targeted in bombing raids, into the forest. Thus some surface scatters were confusing arrays of Ming era and 20th century wares which had no subsurface component.

When sites with pre-17th century components were identified, I conducted excavations to establish chronologies of habitation, and date the abandonment of sites, as well as to identify archaeological remains that would allow me to evaluate foodways and trading activity conducted by the inhabitants of the sites. As stated above, archaeological fieldwork was only recently completed, and materials are still under analysis; I still await radiocarbon dates, and the results of pollen and phytolyth analysis, and identification of some of the tradewares. Additionally, I hope to be able to complete a trace element analysis of regional samples of earthenware and clay, which may shed light on local trade networks.

Following preliminary analysis, I have placed sites into two distinct categories, type A (sites BN2, BN4, PA2, PA3, BB5) and type B (sites PA1, PA4, BB3). One site (BN1) appears to be transitional as earlier levels are type A while later levels are type B. The remaining eleven sites tested were not classified as either type because pre-colonial occupation could not be firmly established. The distinctive features of each type are listed in Table 1:

TABLE 1: SITE TYPE FEATURES

Identifying features	Type A sites (n=5)	Type B sites (n=3)	Transitional (site BN1)
corresponds in location to villages known to Europeans before 1621	yes	no	yes
colonial period occupation (post 17th century)	yes	no	intermittent, now abandoned
harbor protected during both east and west monsoons	yes	no	yes
pig remains in pre-colonial levels	absent	present	present
burned human bone or teeth	absent	present	present
Relative quantity of glazed ceramics from mainland Asia in pre-colonial levels	high	low or non-existent	high in pre-16th C levels, lower in 16th- 17th C

This evidence tentatively confirms that there were villages in Banda unknown to (or considered unimportant by) European observers during the pre-conquest era of European contact from 1512 – 1621. More importantly, these villages were different in character from "known" villages. There is evidence that people in type B sites ate pig and cremated their dead, which are not orthodox Islamic behaviors. While no human remains were recovered from pre-colonial type A sites, one type B site, and the transitional site BN1, had burned human bone and teeth in association with earthenware pottery. The inhabitants of type B sites seem to have had less access to glazed ceramics from mainland Asia. The locations of these villages were less suitable to year-round access from the sea; during one of the monsoons, their harbors or beaches were difficult or impossible to land on because of heavy surf and high onshore winds. Finally, following the conquest of the islands in 1621, these type B villages were abandoned, and were not re-occupied by Dutch settlers and their slaves.

One site, BN1, did not fit clearly in either category. It fit the Type B category in some respects: especially notable were its high concentration of pig remains and burned human bone and teeth. However, it fit the type A category in that it had a protected harbor nearby, and was known by Europeans as the village of Labbetacca. The contemporary village of Lautaka, built in the ruins of the Dutch colonial plantation of the same name (probably a Malay-ized version of the Bandanese name of Labbetacca) lies several hundred meters to the west. Especially intriguing was the depositional sequence of glazed ceramics. This site presented the longest and richest sequence of any in Banda of tradewares, containing Song dynasty wares pre-dating the 11th century AD. However, the density of these tradewares fell off in 15th and 16th century levels, and the site appears to have been abandoned for a time before intermittent colonial period re-occupations.

PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS AND HISTORICAL IMPLICATIONS

This evidence confirms (subject to revision by radiocarbon dates) that there were settlements with non-Islamic inhabitants (or engaging in non-Islamic behavior) in Banda during the period of European contact and conflict. These settlements were located in less than ideal ports, subject to periodic inaccessibility and appear to be less well linked to trade with mainland Asia, as they had fewer glazed ceramics present. They also practiced distinct burial traditions. If this preliminary evidence is confirmed by later tests, the story of Banda’s relationship with Islam and European trading companies needs to be re-evaluated. It appears as though Europeans were not dealing with a unified Islamic society, but rather one fractured by competing belief systems and economic networks. The brutal battles described by van Neck and others in 1599 between neighboring villages (Labbetacca and Neira) may have resulted from these kinds of deep divisions within the rapidly changing small island social system (Purchas 1625; Keuning 1942).

As Stoler (1989:134) forcefully argues, the anthropology of colonialism has much to gain by "rethinking colonial categories." Constantly shifting divisions of class, race and ethnic identity make it impossible to simply equate "European" with "colonizer" or "native" with "colonized." In fact, by looking at the evolving definitions and conceptions of these categories, one can begin to see how individuals actively navigate and re-invent them, providing a more nuanced analysis of the social processes unfolding within colonial communities. Similarly, Lightfoot and Martinez (1995:471) propose that archaeological studies of culture contact should consider the role of the variety of social divisions or factional groups that cut across "traditionally perceived colonial-indigenous boundaries." This approach, they argue, does not take colonizers and natives as monolithic entities, but rather emphasizes the "varied backgrounds, interests and motivations of individuals on all sides of the frontier."

Historians have generally agreed that the Bandanese resisted European efforts to control their trade, and were massacred as punishment for this resistance; their resistance efforts failed because they were disorganized and under-armed, powerless in the face of well organized Dutch forces. But this is based on a simplified reading of slim and European-biased body of evidence. Histories of Banda tend to gloss over intriguing inconsistencies in the historical documents. Crucial data, such as the population of Banda prior to the massacre, and the numbers of people killed or captured, vary widely between accounts (e.g. pre-massacre population figures range between 2000 – 15,000). Some accounts refer to Bandanese who collaborated with the Dutch, and vice-versa, or had Portuguese names, or were fluent in European languages. Descriptions of intervillage warfare are filled with religious imagery.

The archaeological evidence from Banda raises important questions, and provides new ways to interrogate the historical data. I believe that the interaction between Europeans and Bandanese was complex; individuals played varying strategic roles within the many fault lines that split this multi-ethnic, rapidly changing society. My goal, which I hope to attain in my forthcoming Ph.D. dissertation, is to better elaborate those fault lines, so that this fascinating and historically important story of contact and conquest can be re-told.

REFERENCES

Abdurachman, Paramita R. 1978. Moluccan responses to the first intrusions of the west. In H. Soebadio and C. A. du Marchie (eds), Dynamics of Indonesian History. New York: North Holland Publishers.

Andaya, Leonard 1991. Local trade networks in Maluku in the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries. Cakalele 2(2):71-96.

------- 1993. The World of Maluku. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Bartel, Dieters 1977. Guarding the invisible mountain: intervillage alliances, religious syncretism and ethnic identity among Ambonese Christians and Moslems in the Moluccas. Ph.D. Thesis, Cornell University.

Bellwood, Peter and Peter Koon 1989 "Lapita colonists leave boats unburned!" The question of Lapita links with Island Southeast Asia. Antiquity 63:613-622.

Chaudhuri, K. N. 1990. Asia Before Europe: Economy and Civilisation of the Indian Ocean From the Rise of Islam to 1750. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Cortesão, Armando (trans) 1944. The Suma Oriental of Tome Pires, Vol. I & II.London: Hakluyt Society.

Dames, Mansel Longsworth (trans) 1918. The Book of Duarte Barbosa. London: Hakluyt Society.

Ellen, Roy 1979. Sago subsistence and the trade in spices: a provisional model of ecological succession and imbalance in Moluccan history. In P. Burnham and R. Ellen (eds) Social and Ecological Systems, pp. 43-74. New York: Academic Press.

------- 1986. Conundrums about panjandrums: On the use of titles in the relations of political subordination in the Moluccas and along the Papuan coast. Indonesia 41:46 – 62.

------- 1990. Trade, environment, and the reproduction of local systems in the Moluccas. In Emilio Moran (ed), The Ecosystems Approach in Anthropology, pp. 191-228. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

Glover, I.C. 1990. Early Trade Between India and South-East Asia, A Link in the Development of a World Trading System. Centre for East Asian Studies, Occasional Papers No. 16, University of Hull.

Hall, Kenneth R. 1985. Maritime Trade and State Development in Early Southeast Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Hanna, Willard A. 1978. Indonesian Banda. Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues.

Johns, Anthony H. 1975. Islam in Southeast Asia: Reflections and new directions. Indonesia 19:33-55.

------- 1995. Sufism in Southeast Asia: Reflections and reconsiderations. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 26(1):169-183.

Jones, John Winter (trans) 1863. The Travels of Ludovico Di Varthema in Egypt, Syria, Arabia Deserta and Arabia Felix, in Persia, India and Ethiopia 1503-1508. London: Hakluyt Society.

Keuning, J (ed) 1942. Het Tweede Boeck, Journal oft dagh-register. In De Tweede Schipvaart der Nederlanders naar Oost-Indie Onder Jacob Cornelisz. van Neck en Wybrandt Warwijck, 1598-1600, Vol. 3, pp. 1-186. The Hague: Nijhoff for Linschoten-Vereeniging.

Kirch, P.V. 1984. The Evolution of Polynesian Chiefdoms. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Latinas, Kyle. 1997. Hunting the Cuscus in Western Seram: The role of the phalanger in subsistence economies in Central Maluku. Cakalele 7:17-32.

Leur, J.C. van 1967. Indonesian Trade and Society: Essays in Asian Social and Economic History. The Hague: W. van Hoeve.

Lightfoot, Kent and Antoinette Martinez 1995. Frontiers and boundaries in an archaeological perspective. Annual Review of Anthropology 24:471-92.

Loth, Vincent. 1995a. Armed incidents and unpaid bills: Anglo-Dutch rivalry in the Banda Islands in the seventeenth century. Modern Asian Studies 29(4):705-740.

------- 1995b. Pioneers and Perkeniers: The Banda Islands in the 17th century. Cakalele 6:13 – 35.

------- 1998. Fragrant gold and food provision: Resource management and agriculture in seventeenth century Banda. In Sandra Pannell and Franz Von Benda-Beckmann (eds), Old World Places, New World Problems: Exploring Issues of Resource Management in Eastern Indonesia. Canberra: Australian National University.

Manguin, Pierre-Yves. 1984. Shipshape societies: Boat symbolism and political systems in Insular Southeast Asia. Paper presented at the Symposium on Southeast Asian History (9th - 14th centuries), Canberra Australia, May 1984.

------- 1994: Southeast Asian Shipping in the Indian Ocean during the first millennium AD. Presented at the International Seminar on Techno-Archaeological Perspectives on Seafaring in the Indian Ocean, New Delhi, February 1994.

Markham, C (ed) 1877. The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster to the East Indies. London: Hayluyt Society.

Masselman, George 1963 The Cradle of Colonialism. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Miksic, John N, C.T. Yap and Hua Younan 1994. Archaeology and early Chinese glass trade in Southeast Asia. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 25(1):31-46.

Ptak, Roderich 1992. The northern trade route to the Spice Isands: South China Sea-Sulu Zone-North Moluccas (14th to early 16th century). Archipel 43:27-56.

Purchas, Samuel 1625. Purchas His Pilgrims, 4th Edition. Vol. I, Book 2. London.

Ray, Himanshu Prabha 1989. Early maritime contacts between South and Southeast Asia. Journal of South East Asian Studies 20(1):42-54.

Reid, Anthony 1988. Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450-1680, Volume 1: The Lands Below the Winds. New Haven: Yale University Press.

------- 1993a. Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450-1680, Volume 2: Expansion and Crisis. New Haven: Yale University Press.

------- (ed) 1993b. Southeast Asia in the Early Modern Era: Trade, Power and Belief. Ithaca, New York: Cornell Univ. Press.

Ricklefs, M.C. 1979. Six centuries of Islamization in Java. In N. Levtzion (ed), Conversion to Islam, pp. 100-128. New York: Holmes and Meier.

------- 1993: A History of Modern Indonesia Since c. 1300, 2nd Edition. Stanford: Stanford University Press

Stark, Ken and Kyle Latinas 1996. The response of early Ambonese foragers to the Maluku spice trade: The archaeological evidence. Cakalele 7:51 – 67.

Stasiun Meteorologi Bandaneira-Banda. 1989 – 98: Daftar Data Klimatologi Rata-Rata Setiap Bulan (monthly climate data from the meteorology station, Banda Neira).

Stoler, A. 1989. Rethinking colonial categories: European communities and the boundaries of rule. Comparative Studies in Society and History 31:134-61.

Swadling, Pamela 1996. Plumes from Paradise: Trade Cycles in Outer Southeast Asia and their Impact on New Guinea and Nearby Islands until 1920. Boroko, Papua New Guinea: Papua New Guinea National Museum.

Tibbetts, G.R. 1979. A Study of the Arabic Texts Containing Material of Southeast Asia. Leiden: E.J. Brill.

Valentijn, Francois. 1724. Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien, Vol.3. (1858 ed.). Gravenhage: H.C. Susan.

Villiers, John 1981. Trade and society in the Banda islands in the sixteenth century. Modern Asian Studies 15(4):723-750.

------- 1990. The cash crop economy and state formation in the Spice Islands in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. In J. Kathirithamby-Wells and J. Villiers (eds), The Southeast Asian Port and Polity: Rise and Demise, pp. 83 – 105. Singapore: Singapore University Press.

Wolters, O.W. 1967. Early Indonesian Commerce. A Study of the Origins of Srivijaya. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.