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College Democrats
To listen to President Bush, there is no question that the United States should lead a military offensive against the nation of Iraq: a rogue dictator exists who has repeatedly ignored U.N. resolutions and has clear ties to the September 11 terrorists. This madman has stores of biological and chemical weapons, and is well on the way to developing nuclear weapons. The international community refuses to face up to this imminent threat, and therefore the United States has no choice but to act on its own and attack.

Unfortunately, the president has not established such an argument. He insists on war, and yet he has not offered sufficient evidence of Saddam Hussein’s ties to Al Qaeda or evidence of active Iraqi programs for developing weapons of mass destructions. In fact, some of the evidence he has tried to present to this end has been clearly established as fabricated. Furthermore, the president’s assertions that inspections have failed are preposterous, especially in light of Iraq’s destruction of its Al Samoud II missiles and Hans Blix’s comments to the U.N. on Tuesday that he needed more time to work in Iraq.

President Bush’s abandonment of the United Nations, and indeed diplomacy itself, is the saddest and most troubling aspect of this war. His out-of-hand rejections of Canadian and French compromises that would have continued weapons inspections while upping the standards for Iraqi compliance demonstrated his lack of concern for proving his hypotheses about Saddam Hussein. The president’s “coalition of the willing” is pathetic and paper-thin, despite his best efforts to bully impoverished nations into consenting to U.S. war plans.

If the war against Iraq goes poorly and leads to large numbers of American and Iraqi casualties, public opinion will rise against the president. It will rise even more so if we suffer terrorist attacks as a result of our aggression. But in the event that the war goes “well,” is minimally bloody and ends a regime that the president accurately describes as evil, we must still be wary of celebration. For victory will have come at the cost of the establishment of a dangerous precedent: preemptive war without conclusive proof of an imminent threat and without the support of the world community.

The United States has fought wars of self-defense in the past, and it will undoubtedly continue to fight them. But those wars have not and will not be fought with ambiguous cause. They have and will be characterized by imminent threat and significant international consensus. The president’s war against Iraq does not meet these criteria.
The war now appears inevitable. While we must support our troops, we must also be immediately vocal about the need to bring them home. And most importantly, we must be dedicated observers, so that we will be able to ensure that this is the last unjustified and irresponsible war our country ever fights.

—The College Democrats

International Socialist Organization
As a socialist, I must stand utterly opposed to the war that Bush is about to start. The debate over the war, when there is one, is usually framed around the question, “Is this war necessary?” This war obviously is not, and Bush is thoroughly unable to argue otherwise without lying to us as he did Monday night. However, I believe that necessary versus unnecessary is too limited a framework. It is important that people understand the fact that the first Gulf War and twelve years of the most destructive use of trade sanctions in modern history have left Iraq so demolished that Hussein simply lacks the military wherewithal to undertake the sorts of terrorist operations that Bush claims that this war will prevent. But we must take a wider view of things, and look at this war in the terms it’s being fought: I argue that it is a war for imperialism.

The Bush Doctrine (shorthand for National Security Strategy of the United States, released in 2002) is a dangerous new precedent, and it must inform any debate surrounding war on Iraq. This imperialist how-to guide can be summed up quite briefly: The United States leads the rest of the world both militarily and economically, and will do absolutely anything to maintain that lead. Genocide in Iraq, pre-emptive wars elsewhere, first-strike nuclear missile attacks—these are all apparently justified simply because they might conceivably benefit U.S. industry.

In the case of Iraq, the U.S. is willing to sacrifice Iraqis (and potentially U.S. troops) in order to control the flow of oil to the world. European and Asian trade competitors, unlike the United States, rely on Middle Eastern oil, and the U.S. occupation of Iraq will mean that the U.S. calls the shots in the world economy. Hence, the slogan “No blood for oil!” is quite appropriate. This is a disgusting war for profit and an inhuman disregard for innocent Iraqis, and as such there is no way that I could do anything but fight against it.

—Alden Eagle
International Socialist Organization

The Green Party
The Green Party is staunchly opposed to a costly, preemptive, illegal invasion of Iraq, a country that poses no imminent or direct threat to our nation or allies.  U.N. inspections could be worthwhile, but have instead been a weak cover for oil interests and brutal attempts at world domination, with the White House making it clear that it wants to next topple the governments of Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Syria. 

Short- and long-term global risks of invasion include not only uncountable deaths, injuries, and toxic sickness in the innocent people of Iraq, which come on top of the already debilitating sanctions, but also harm to the United States and its international standing in world affairs.  President Bush’s main rationale for his war on Iraq is that it will save American lives, but it will in fact endanger American lives by:
1) increasing the likelihood of attacks on US soil and against US citizens abroad
2) alienating allies in the region and elsewhere
3) increasing support for Al Qaeda in the Muslim world
4) risking serious casualties for our soldiers, including toxic illness and  possible exposure to chemical and biological weapons
5) draining the federal budget to pay the enormous costs of war and occupation at the expense of existing critical domestic and international programs    
Greens will maintain their opposition to the war after the invasion begins, supporting our troops by demanding that they be sent home.  Even if Iraq falls quickly, it will bring neither peace nor security.  We must seek peace through peace, and the nonviolent alternatives of relying on worldwide disarmament, continued and expanded U.N.-backed inspections, and an International Criminal Court.  The Green Party urges all who oppose the war to increase their calls, letters, and visits to members of Congress, and to continue to support for the peoples and governments of other U.N. member states that oppose the war.  We continue to guide our actions towards lasting personal, community, and global peace and security.

—The Green Party

College Republicans
With his fair and unyielding demands, President Bush’s Iraq policy has garnered an impressive amount of support, a fact often ignored by various detractors. The governments of 30 nations have publicly aligned with our president. According to a March 17 ABC News poll, 71 percent of Americans, with a margin of error of ±4.5 percent, support a war with Iraq.

Even among Democrats, support for the war is at 55 percent, a recent CBS News poll found. However, despite the high levels of political backing, a U.N. presence is noticeably absent from this long overdue liberation effort.

The U.N.’s increasing resemblance to the League of Nations is cause for great alarm. The conscious refusal to enforce its own resolutions should indicate just how seriously it flirts with irrelevance. While this impromptu coalition of allies will have little trouble freeing the Iraqi people from Saddam’s grip, more daunting tasks in the future will require the firm resolve of a proactive U.N.

—Joseph Lisska
Vice President
College Republicans

Students for Liberty
Students for Liberty was not able to come up with something that we could all agree upon in this amount of space. Thank you for your consideration, and we hope to be able to respond more unanimously on other issues in the future.

—Eric Neuman
President
Students for Liberty




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