Hugo Chavez

Telemarketer for Socialism

BY ALLISON FAJANS-TURNER

When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, the international community generally agreed that Communism had failed as a viable system of governance. Excepting the few residual states such as Cuba, the 'Red Menace' shriveled and disappeared. Even China, a mammoth bastion of Maoism, seemed to be slowly opening its markets and shedding all remnants of Communism but its authoritarian core. Ten years ago it was impossible to imagine a Communist rebirth. But to what extent does President Hugo Chavez's Venezuelan Socialism, brought to the fore this past week with his leading of popular protests at the IV Summit of the Americas, represent just that?

Chavez has labeled his own politics "21st century socialism" suggesting that he is fully aware of the challenge his administration poses to the far left's historic defeat. Other modern socialist states exist, most prominently Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwe, but Chavez's Venezuela is the only state bolstered by huge oil reserves. Emboldened by these petrodollars, Chavez has touted his socialist message internationally, refusing to close Venezuala's borders. As a result, Chavez has no intention of shrinking from the international stage; he plans to razzle dazzle the global community.

Chavez has already made grand attempts to influence international institutions. He has proposed new South-South trade routes between developing nations at the Summit of the Americas. He favors various environmental and sustainable energy initiatives, the Kyoto Protocol among them. And he is regularly vocal about his vision for a revitalized and more autonomous South and Central America. But Chavez is most remarkable for his constant incrimination of the Bush Administration and US imperialism. At countless speeches delivered domestically and internationally, Chavez has taken time to denounce Bush as a "terrorist." Chavez is one of the strongest dissenting voices against the Iraq War and more generally against US disregard for national sovereignty.

Whether because of his pronounced anti-Americanism, the radical nature of his domestic reforms, or his miraculous resurrection of authority after the 2002 coup that not only almost terminated his leadership, but also nearly ended his life, Hugo Chavez enjoys enormous international celebrity. "There are movements in Latin America that look to him either as a model or as a source of financing or both. And there he can exert an enormous amount of influence," says former Mexican foreign minister Jorge Castaneda, identifying Chavez's dual domains of power: ideology and economics. As Contreras and Gunson report in the recent Newsweek article "Victor: Hugo;" Chavez's role as president of the fifth largest oil exporter in the world has made him "a socialist with deep pockets."

Venezuela's ideological and economic strength is enhanced by Chavez's unmistakable charisma, which has captivated audiences both domestically and abroad. Indeed, this has enabled Chavez to make his greatest contribution to international politics: marketing a 21st century Socialism as a viable and progressive form of modern governance. One Venezuelan polled on a BBC survey expressed his strategy in these not entirely favorable terms: "He is selling himself and his so-called revolution to the world.he is the best marketing person there is."

Best Of Both Worlds?

How true does Chavez's rhetoric ring? His domestic policies are indeed identifiably socialist: they include collectivization of land, cooperative industry, universalized health care and education, a more pronounced role for government and state intervention and a general call for the advancement of the poor. These measures have led to declining GDP growth and GDP per capita; GDP decreased by 9.2 % of real change and $5,100 per capita as of 2003. Venezuala's decreasing economic efficiency has provoked conservatives to decry the Venezuelan socialism. But what about economic equity?

That answer is much more difficult to discern: Chavez appears to enjoy enormous popularity among the Venezuelan poor (his approval rating has reached 70 percent), and yet ceaseless criticisms from elites within his country and conservatives internationally argue that not only is the entire country poorer, but abject poverty has worsened. The Chavez initiatives, such as collective agriculture and industrial co-management, are depicted as empowering the work force, but unemployment has reached its highest level—21% percent—in five years. Venezuela has also suffered high inflation accompanied by much lower increases in relative wages.

Criticisms originating from the economic and intellectual elite thus seem to be rooted in truth. Venezuela does not currently have a healthy economy. Perhaps this situation simply results from the instability inherent in any economic overhaul, in this case the transition from capitalism to socialism. If so then the economy's recovery might depend on the success of Chavez's proposed south-south trade agreements with his neighbors. Venezuela's oil gives the country a lot of leverage in the region and will likely help it win favorable trade deals, but the ultimate impact of this wealth cannot be certain.

We cannot, however, pass judgment on Chavez's administration until we've considered Venezuela's social reforms and the political freedoms he has enacted. Like Castro, his personal role model, Chavez has excelled in improving health care and education. To this end he has even brought in approximately 200 hundred Cuban doctors to help train Venezuelans and jump start the "Into the Neighborhood" initiative which aims to provide free primary health care to over 10 million Venezuelans. Additionally the two programs, Missions Robinson and Ribas, are unprecedented in their successful promotion of literacy, reading ability expanded to 1.3 million individuals, and secondary education, available to 1 million additional individuals, respectively.

Censorship, Schmensorship

But these developments have been bought at the price of political oppression. Hugo Chavez spearheads an authoritarian administration. Although elected, albeit perhaps fraudulently, he shows no signs of relinquishing power. Simultaneous with his progressive social reforms, he has been increasing constraints on civil liberties. The country's media is manipulated, freedom of assembly and freedom to express dissent are increasingly violated, and the army and civilian militias have proliferated. Human Rights Watch warns against pieces of legislation like the Media Law, which promises to strengthen state control over television and radio broadcasting, and amendments to the Criminal Code which censor both the use of print media and vocal expression as forums of dissent. Chavez has also packed the Venezuelan Supreme Court to facilitate the prosecution of so-called traitors. Currently a witch hunt is under way to weed out conspirators. Numerous political and economic elite, several intellectuals, and a number of student demonstrators are incarcerated and beaten because of their disagreements with Chavez's Bolivarian administration. Most of these enemies of the state are accused of collaborating with the United States; a symptom of the larger fear Chavez has cultivated to villainize "US capitalism and imperialism." He has convinced his citizens that the Bush administration has already tried to depose him, aiding the business elite in the 2002 coup, and that the US will inevitably try again. This rhetoric of fear and the instances of human rights violations are becoming more systematic, entrenching themselves in Venezuelan domestic and foreign affairs.

As it currently stands 21st century socialism, as it exists in Venezuela, is perhaps equally as viable a form of government as any of the other highly corrupt capitalist states in Latin America. These countries all have weak institutions, little accountability, and hardly any transparency. It is these fundamental weaknesses—not the socialist programs—that are most threatening to Venezuela's stability. Chavez's highly developed cult of personality, cemented around his weekly TV show "Alo Presidente," accentuates his power nationally and internationally. Chavez increasingly makes law in Venezuela and that law is increasingly irrational, even delusional. Most recently Chavez warned against Halloween, calling it a "game of terror" and pathology of US culture "putting fear into other nations, putting fear into their own people." While his caution contained genuine wishes to preserve Venezuelan traditions against US global culture, it was also accompanied by the arrests of several demonstrators who had written anti-government slogans on Halloween decorations. Chavez may be the best and worst thing to happen to Venezuela, and one thing is certain: he will continue to make the news and sell his ideology.

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