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The
Internationalization of Portuguese Historiography:
Basic Data and Educated Guesses
Rui
Santos
New University of Lisbon, Faculty of Social and Human Sciences
Historical Sociology Institute
[email protected]
My discussion
of the proposed topic will rest on two assumptions.
First: historiography is about the writing of History; internationalization
is about the boundaries of its writing, of its reading and of its usefulness.
So, whatever other dimensions one may discuss of the internationalization
of Portuguese historians or institutions, they should be seen as a means
to an ultimate end, that of placing historical research carried out by
Portuguese institutions under the gaze and in the minds of the international
scholarly community. No amount of networking, project sharing and conference
attending will do the trick unless it translates to frequent publications
by Portuguese-based authors in widely accessible international scholarly
media. Nor will (self) complacent remarks about the international quality
of Portuguese historians, as long as we remain protected from international
scrutiny behind the national and linguistic borders of the media that
convey our writings.
Second: historiography is a collective and a cumulative endeavour. The
core issue is not about the personal experience of a few people or the
ability of a few institutions to engage in the international game. This
is not to deny their importance as parts of the collective effort (which
certainly can use spearheads), only to give the question a precise meaning:
whether there are collective results to speak of, whether in the end of
the day there is evidence of collective effort in that direction. In a
nutshell, I assume that aggregate outcomes, their institutional settings
and the social incentive systems that inform the actors' decisions are
the stuff of our discussion.
The only readily available indicator for disciplinary internationalisation
in the above sense is the number of publications in international academic
journals by authors affiliated to Portuguese institutions. By international
journals I mean those included in international academic reference databases.
By this standard, a Portuguese journal may be international, while a journal
published abroad may not.
I have used three kinds of international reference databases. One is the
National Citation Report for Portugal provided by the Institute for Scientific
Information (ISI), based on the relevant Citation Indexes compiling the
publications in thousands of science and humanities journals worldwide
(http://www.isinet.com). The basic statistics are published by the OCES
(Observatory for Science and Higher Education) at
http://www.oces.mces.pt/en/documentos/navigator.jsp?action=opendoc&pkid=10.
ISI's Science Citation Index has long asserted itself as the international
standard reference database for the exact, natural and engineering sciences.
Its companion indexes, the Social Science Citation Index (SSCI)
and the Arts and Humanities Citation Index (AHCI) are the relevant
ones here. These are less comprehensive and are often criticised by experts
for insufficient coverage, due to disciplinary fragmentation of nation
and region-specific subject matters and academic traditions, and to the
alleged Anglophone bias in journal selection in disciplines whose expression
remains strongly rooted in national languages. However, they do cover
a wide variety of important journals from most countries in the world
(not from Portugal, though), including several French, German, Italian
and Spanish-speaking journals, and for the present purpose they allow
a comparison of publication numbers between History and other disciplines
of the Social Sciences and Humanities, across the most selective compilation
of publications.
The second kind of reference databases is composed of other general coverage
databases and discipline-specific compilations of international standing.
Each of them covers a wider range of journals in the respective discipline
than ISI, including a few Portuguese ones. Although they are not devised
for bibliometrics, it is possible to perform basic counts from Portuguese
Scientific Production in the Social and Human Sciences 1989-2001 (PSPSHS),
an ongoing synthetic database made available by the OCES that gleans Portuguese
authored articles from the most important of those collections (www.oces.mces.pt/bds/prod/csh/index.jsp).
Besides the SSCI and the AHCI, it incorporates the articles indexed in
Econlit (Economics), Psyclit (Psychology), Sociological
Abstracts, MLA International Bibliography (Linguistics and Literature),
ERIC (Education Sciences), Historical Abstracts, International
Index to Music Periodicals, Lisa (Document Sciences) and a few more
generic reference databases (Wilson Art Abstracts, Wilson Humanities
Abstracts and Wilson Social Sciences Abstracts), along with a Portuguese-specific
one.
The latter, the Inventory of Portuguese Journals (IPJ), is the
third and most inclusive database resource on Portuguese publications.
It includes articles published in Portuguese journals admitted on minimal
scholarly quality requirements, chiefly that of having an academic scientific
committee steering a publication policy, or being owned or sponsored by
an academic or research institution, and maintaining regular publication
of the periodical. Most of them do not comply with international standards
of academic publication, namely peer review, and are not indexed in any
international reference database (see http://www.oces.mces.pt/bds/prod/csh/introducao.jsp,
unfortunately not available in English, for further information concerning
PSPSHS and IPJ).
From these sources I took simple series of yearly publication statistics.
For a clearer view of the trends, all serial data below are presented
as three-years moving averages plotted on the third year.
I admit that this type of indicators does not capture international publications
in an exhaustive way. Publication of books, book chapters and papers in
conference proceedings may be important as well. But publication in academic
journals is generally acknowledged as the best single measure of the pulse
of academic productivity. Even if the number of articles in journals were
only the tip of the iceberg, one might assume that there is some relationship
between the tip and the base apart from the fact that they are
supposed to be the base of the iceberg in the first place.
Chart 1 shows the number of publications authored
by Portuguese institutions in History journals indexed in the AHCI, comparing
it with those in Psychology, Economics, and Sociology & Anthropology
in the SSCI. It should be noted that in cases where the same journal is
counted in more than one discipline, the articles are counted repeatedly
in all categories. These series can be compared across disciplines, but
not added up.
One important point is that the four disciplines started from very similar
levels in the first half of the eighties, and only later diverged into
two very different trends. Psychology and Economics' growth trend picked
up slowly in the second half of the decade and intensified from the early
nineties. History and Sociology & Anthropology fell very much behind,
in near stagnant trajectories, which only seemed to pick up a consistent
albeit moderate increase after 1996-1997. Arguably this late and limited
growth may be related to the international evaluation procedures introduced
by FCT, along with the opening of R&D funding programs to the Social
Sciences and the Humanities, as pointed out by António Costa Pinto.
If this is the case, however, History's reaction has been rather numb,
even by the standards of the slower and later trend it shares with Sociology
& Anthropology.
This laggardness is not related to the volume of research. Assuming that
the investment in doctoral and post-doctoral research and the number of
new PhDs can be used as proxies for this variable, I first plotted the
number of doctoral and post-doctoral scholarships granted by the main
funding programs since 1990 in each of the above disciplines, according
to whether the scholarship took place exclusively in Portuguese institutions,
or at least a part of it took place abroad (chart
2). The results show that Economics clearly benefited from a head
start for being included in the priority criteria that shaped the CIENCIA
program (1990-93). Doctoral research in Economics was targeted by public
policy a few years before that in the other fields. Economics was also
more oriented from the very start to international training: unlike any
of the other fields, over 80% of doctoral and post-doctoral scholarships
in Economics took place at least in part in foreign institutions. This
cannot but reflect in opportunities for collaborative research and exposure
to international evaluation standards that in turn favour publication
in international journals. However, although these differences apply to
Economics, they cannot explain the dynamics of Psychology, which only
differs from History and Sociology & Anthropology in that the internationalization
of its scholarships was even lower, below 50% overall. Publication in
SSCI Psychology journals may have had an "invisible" marginal
head start through research in the Health Sciences and maybe in the Life
Sciences, via publications in Clinical Psychology and Neuropsychiatry
journals, but this remains an untested hypothesis. On these input data,
History only compares unfavourably to Economics, and certainly not to
Sociology & Anthropology which, however, seem to have taken more advantage
in terms of the growth of publications in mainstream journals from the
second half of the nineties.
Doctoral research is supposed to produce original knowledge of publishable
quality, and is usually one of the most dynamic contributors to academic
publications. History has hardly been at a disadvantage in this respect
as well (chart 3). It was by far the fastest
growing category in new doctorates, consistently outgrowing all other
fields in the sample since the early nineties and for the rest of the
decade. Somehow this was not channelled in significant proportions into
the admittedly rarefied and biased mainstream of the AHCI. Where has it
gone to and to what extent it was disseminated through other international
journals are the next logical questions to ask.
To answer those questions we have to look at the more general journal
publication patterns of the History research community, compared to those
of the other disciplines. For that effect, I will now explore the data
in the OCES 1989-2001 PSPSHS database. Because of the burdensome process
of semi-manual counts in the online database, I will restrict the sample
to two disciplines, besides History (which here includes Archaeology):
Economics and Sociology.
The top lines in chart 4 display the total
of articles indexed in the PSPSHS for the three disciplines. Contrary
to the previous data, History presents a clear lead in total publications,
almost three times those of either Sociology or Economics. But the lines
at the bottom of the chart, the numbers of publications in international
journals (all those indexed in the international reference databases,
including the Portuguese ones) and in international journals abroad
(international journals minus the Portuguese ones) show that the outlet
for the bulk of publications in History is that of purely national
journals, those that are only indexed in IPJ. A closer look at
the data for international publications (chart
5) shows that History took the lead in absolute numbers both of international
publications and of publications abroad in the early nineties. It was
first outnumbered in publications abroad by Economics in 1993, and was
so for most years until the end of the series. Still in absolute numbers
of publications abroad, History kept ahead of Sociology. Their modest
growth was almost parallel until 1999, but then History lost some ground
(and apparently momentum) in the last years of the series. In what concerns
the absolute numbers of publication in international journals, History
dropped sharply and lost its lead in the second half of the nineties.
Historical publication became more and more confined to purely national
journals in the second half of the nineties. In this respect, there is
a sharp contrast with Sociology, whose international publications grew
dramatically after 1992, fed by the policy of the major Portuguese journals
in the field that invested in international indexation and generally kept
it. In contrast, most of the more reputed Portuguese History journals
never got indexed during this period while some of the older ones lost
their indexation, presumably because they failed to keep up with publication
standards. For this reason, the large output of Portuguese historical
research dispersed across a vast number of discipline-specific and generalist
journals that are virtually invisible to the international community.
One telling comparison is that of the sheer number of Portuguese journals
indexed to each discipline in the IPJ: 41 in History & Archaeology,
versus 10 in Economics and 7 in Sociology, besides 42 generalist Social
Sciences and Humanities journals. Only a small fraction was ever indexed
in any of the international databases.
Chart 6 shows the ratios of international publications and of publications
abroad to total publications for the three disciplines, measuring how
much of the total publication effort has been channelled to internationally
referenced articles. Not surprisingly, Economics is by far the more oriented
to international publication. Both Charts 5 and 6 place it above History
and Sociology. International journals published abroad are becoming ever
more important in internationalizing Portuguese research in Economics.
History is right at the other end. Its ratio abroad was the lowest across
most of the decade, having definitively lost ground to Sociology since
1994, and proceeded at a nearly stagnant pace, while Sociology's modest
ratio grew a little more consistently and apparently picked up momentum
since 2000. History's international ratio, which was higher than that
of Sociology until 1991, actually decreased on average for most
of the decade, especially since 1996, while Sociology's grew consistently
after 1992, as a result of the developments summarized in the paragraph
above. Looking at the disciplinary endeavours as aggregate results, it
is clear that the equation of opportunities and incentives, when it comes
down to the average historian's decision of where to publish her/his results,
has been particularly unfavourable to the internationalization of Portuguese
historiography.
One can therefore conclude that although historical research and total
publications grew in absolute terms above those of related disciplines,
its dissemination in international journals published abroad remains very
limited and has grown at a comparatively modest pace. On the other hand,
the kind of international publication over which the national research
community has more control and to which it has easier access that
of Portuguese journals indexed in international reference databases
even decreased, partly because some journals seem to have lost that status,
partly because most journals did not see international indexation as a
goal worth striving for. This alone is a direct indicator that History
journals have been under little pressure to internationalize from their
authors (who choose where to publish on the basis of future reputation
assessments), from their users (who rank their reading and citing priorities
according to journals' and authors' reputation), from academic institutions
(who assess researchers' reputations mainly according to their publications)
and from public institutions (who evaluate projects and research institutions
on the basis of published research results, and who fund most journals).
To the extent that any academic community's status allocation system balances
general and local hierarchy criteria, Portuguese History's seems to be
mostly defined by the latter, and not to incorporate international standards
in the former in any decisive way. Only recently, as A. Costa Pinto points
out, have a few journals upgraded their publishing standards by introducing
peer-review and improving regularity of publication, and some got indexed
anew in international databases as a consequence. Too recently to be visible
in the series above, and maybe too few as yet to have a large aggregate
impact, but one can expect that as the databases are updated they will
display some upward inflection in trends similar to the one shown by Sociology.
L. Adão da Fonseca's opening questions and J.-F. Schaub's and A.
Costa Pinto's reflections emphasize what might be named "supply side"
arguments, according to which the means to transcend localism in research
publication implies amplifying either subject scope wider geographical
boundaries, comparative studies or theoretical breadth, making
"local" data relevant for broader theoretical and methodological
debates, and engaging in international collaborative research. I just
beg to differ with A. Costa Pinto on one particular point: I do not think
that this has to do with "narrative" versus "theoretical"
and "comparative" history. Narrative historical research can
be of comparative and theoretical significance ("thick narrative",
adapting Geertz). The cornerstone is whether or not theoretical problems
and empirical results are devised to relate, through theoretical discussion
and comparative evidence, to international scholarly concerns. The main
point seems indisputable, though. There is a direct relationship between
the disciplines' theoretical ambitions, research in international collaboration
and publications abroad.
However, I think the supply-side approach somewhat begs the question.
Granted that those are the means to achieve internationalization of Portuguese
historians, the question remains about their preference formation. Why
would Portuguese historians want to become more internationalized
in the first place? What is the marginal profit of publishing in an international
journal in terms of a scholar's reputation and career opportunities, as
compared to publishing in a non-refereed Portuguese journal, in the proceedings
of a (sometimes literally) parochial meeting, a chapter in an unedited
book, or a whole book for that matter? How does it compare with the marginal
cost of conducting extensive international literature review, writing
or getting translated in a foreign language, reshaping theoretical problems
to connect with those of the international community and submitting to
the recommendations of a peer review? Are rewards worth the bother? To
put it bluntly, is there an institutional effective demand for international
publications in History?
This "demand side" approach assumes that institutions and their
practices shape the only effective demand for international publication.
It is they who perform reputation assessments and allocate opportunities
according to their evaluation standards and to their constraints. The
statement that internationalization is a prized target remains rhetorical
if it is not turned to effective demand, that is, the willingness to allocate
specific rewards to international publications in curricular assessments,
in the opening and filling of new career opportunities, in the evaluation
and funding of Portuguese journals. This of course varies according to
evaluation contexts and to institutions.
The Gordian knot, as stated in one way or the other by all my fellow discussants,
lies on the combination of inbreeding, lack of mobility opportunities
and of effective external competition in research institutions, and proliferation
of local or network-based journals not evaluated by any external, let
alone international standards. In the absence of generalized hierarchical
criteria, like those that prevail in other areas, each parochial journal
is by local definition among the best, and publishing there is a locally
valued sign of institutional or network allegiance. Editorial comments,
if any, are purely endogenous. This configuration puts a high opportunity
cost on publishing in independently peer-reviewed journals. And we do
tend to behave as rational actors after all (myself included)! From what
information I have, leading faculties in Economics begun to sever this
knot years ago.
Demand for international publications has become more explicit in public
evaluations of research institutions, although uncertainty remains in
the community about the hierarchy of publication media. Only too often
reputed researchers express the view that such requirements "do not
apply to our areas". Evaluation of journals that are granted public
funding, however, never did set clear standards for a hierarchy of Portuguese
journals that matches the requirements made by the international evaluation
of output, in spite of some attempts initiated in later years that hopefully
will be carried on. The evaluation-based identification of Portuguese
journals to be considered of international level by the evaluating panels,
the incentive for the best journals to upgrade their standards, to sustain
indexation in international databases and to publish more often in languages
other than Portuguese, might be quite effective in fostering internationally
visible Portuguese journals and in setting internal publication standards
closer to those of mainstream journals abroad. This e-J project itself
intents to be a step in that direction.
In a broader perspective, institutional demand for international publications
should also become effective through investment in framework conditions
such as the wide-based subscription to international journals. International
mainstream journals will generally not accept an article without a consistent
literature review framing research problems and data discussion; comparative
research by definition requires a good command of literature about relevant
cases. Needless to say that such requirements can only be met at much
higher costs by the average Portuguese researcher than by her/his counterpart
in countries where universities and research centres currently subscribe
to large online journal databases or to major publishers' electronic editions.
Make no mistake, I do not just mean the US and Northern Europe. Spain,
Greece and Turkey have got there as well.
I would not want to oppose this "demand side approach", which
emphasizes constraints and incentives in the institutional opportunity
structure, to the voluntarism of the "supply side approach".
Purposeful action can shape institutions and aggregate outcomes; it is
clear that there are individual and institutional players in the field
whose stakes and values transcend the average, forced to conform by the
internal opportunity structure, who have been willing to face the opportunity
costs of internationalization, and that in consequence the rules of the
game are slowly, almost willy-nilly, changing. But I do believe that unless
structural constraints are clearly identified and dealt with within institutional
practices, these examples will for a long time remain a slow-growing minority,
and the effective internationalization of Portuguese historiography will
not experience any significant leaps.
Copyright
2004, ISSN 1645-6432
e-JPH, Vol.1, number 2, Winter 2003
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